Narin Parvaz
The Islamic regime and the Left
Today it seems that
many so-called democratic governments are determined to eliminate any freedom
that threatens consumerism, and to maintain the class system and inequality
that goes with it. Do we, those who claim to oppose the class system, know how
to fight back? I don’t think so!
The idea that all
anti-Imperialists or anti-Americans are revolutionaries is a dangerous one that
has blinded Leftists all over the world to the crimes of Iran’s Islamic regime
- to its sexual apartheid, its massacre of villages in Kurdistan in 1979, the
massacre of prisoners in 1988, its assassinations of activists and writers and
the crushing of student uprisings in the 90s. Because of their blindness, I’m
not sure the world’s leftists can understand the latest uprising in Iran.
They are still hypnotised by the slogan ‘Death to America’ with which Khomeini took
power, a slogan quoted by leaders of the current Islamic regime and its
followers.
Why can’t I believe
that it was lack of information which led the Leftists to support Iran’s
Islamic regime? Because in August 1979, less than six months after Khomeini’s
regime took power, this picture of a row of men being shot in Kurdistan
was published by newspapers all over the world:

The 1979 photo of an execution in Kurdish
Iran, by Jahangir Razmi.
I wonder how the
Leftists cannot see that the Iranian peoples’ lack of basic rights is no
different now than it was in 1979, even though this recent uprising
demonstrated that the Islamic regime can’t maintain the terror it created
during the 1980s. For despite the regime warning journalists not to report what
they saw in Iran,
ordinary Iranians used Twitter or Facebook to broadcast the news. Their images
were snapped up by newspapers and TV channels all over the world. Yet the
right-wing international media managed to distort these pictures’ true meaning.
The uprising was presented as the Iranian people’s attempt to bring democracy
to Iran
by voting for Mosavi. The polling system was rigged, the media argued, votes
for Mosavi were stolen, and this alone was what had driven the people to
protest.
But there is more to
the story. Beginning with Mohammed Khatami’s rule as president from 1997 to
2005, capitalist governments have supported what is called Iran’s ‘Reformists’. They imply
that it is a more democratic party. Yet none
of Iran’s
elections were democratic - not only because of the way they were run, but
because no representatives of democracy were allowed to stand for presidential
candidacy. In fact, the so-called ‘reformists’ were in power during the 1980s,
when hundreds of striking workers were jailed and beaten to death, thousands of
political prisoners were executed and hundreds of thousands of protesters were
arrested. The 1988 massacre of prisoners was carried out when Khomeini was
supreme leader, Khatami was Minister of Culture and Mosavi was Prime Minister.
Most of Iran’s
population is young. With no freedom of speech in the country, they may not
know about the criminal activities of Mosavi and his allies during the 80s, and
therefore believe his promise to change things. But it is wrong for Western
governments to suggest that the Iranian’s recent uprising was entirely because
of Mosavi. Many protesters came out because at no other time in their lives had
they been given the chance to speak freely, and finally they could express
their objections to the Islamic regime’s rule. As usual, though, there were
political groups who always back the regime - or at least part of it. It may
seem unbelievable, but some of Mosavi’s supporters were imprisoned during the
time he was Prime Minister!
What is the difference
between the two factions of political Islam - religious fundamentalist and
‘reformist’ - that now confront each other? They are no more than two halves of
the Islamic regime’s heart. Both are nationalist. Both want to save the
capitalist system. Both have leeched their people until poverty is a thousand
times worse than it was thirty years ago.
The most obvious difference
is that AhmadiNejad’s party, with Ayatollah Khamenie as supreme leader,
supports the Eastern block - Russia
and China - and the party
which includes Rafsanjani and Mosavi supports the Western block - America and Europe.
The Reformists believe in oppressing people behind closed doors, whereas
AhmadiNejad favours the 1980s method: killing people openly. During his reign,
pictures of barefooted young people being hung from ropes in the streets were
all over the newspapers. When Khatami, the first Reformist president, was in
power, activists and writers were being assassinated in their own homes, each
one asking: ‘Will I be next?’ A friend of mine who escaped told me that for a
few months she didn’t buy a big bottle of cooking oil because, she said, ‘I
thought I wouldn’t be alive to finish it.' The West was never allowed to know
about such things because it would have ruined Iran’s image.
Iran’s latest riots and the reactions of both
parties must have taught people some lessons: not to trust the regime to count
their votes, not to go to polling stations anymore. While many people have
‘disappeared’, perhaps to be tortured or executed, the wall of silence has
cracked.
During Iran’s
ten days of rioting the working class did not support either party in the
regime. The working class which in 1979 brought down the monarchy by going on
strike, then betrayed their own interest by ending their strikes on Khomieni’s
command, is now uneasy about following those who call for their support. When
asked by Mosavi and other nationalist political groups to call a general
strike, the workers did not listen. For thirty years they have not had the
right to form unions, and have faced death and torture for attempting to
establish any. Mansour Osanloo, acting as the president of the 17,000 workers
of Tehran and
Suburb Bus Company, and some of his colleagues are still in prison for trying
to organise transport workers in 2005. It is clear that neither political
Islamic party will allow freedom of speech or
freedom of organisation.
Now that Iran
has entered another phase, with capitalist governments trying to manipulate the
country’s future, where do we on the Left stand? Certainly we must try to help
those people under torture, but what can we do to ensure that Iranian women and
men receive the same basic human rights that workers enjoy in western
countries?
If you were born in Italy but work for an international corporation
like TOTAL in Iran,
then you should not be paid more than
an Iranian working in the same corporation and doing the same work. If you have the right to speak freely and
to organise a union, then so should he or she. Wages and rights must not be lower for an Iranian working for
TOTAL in Asaloeh in southern Iran
than for a European or Korean working there! Let’s put the system on trial that
allows such injustice! If we can find a way to force the world’s governments
and media to demand that the Iranian
government gives Iranian workers freedom of speech and the freedom to strike,
then this will be a first step towards getting basic human rights in the rest
of the world.